The association argued that this measure, which the directorate justified by referring to Ministerial Memorandum No. 028/23 concerning the gradual generalization of Amazigh, lacks sound legal and pedagogical grounds. The statement emphasized that transferring teachers while leaving their original classes unattended negatively affects the normal course of study and undermines learners’ right to fair and regular access to Amazigh language instruction. It warned of the consequences of such actions on the quality of learning and academic achievement.

In analyzing the motivations behind the decision, the association accused the Fahs-Anjra Directorate, and by extension the Ministry of National Education, of attempting to manipulate figures and indicators related to the rate of Amazigh language generalization. The statement indicated that the ministry allegedly follows a strategy aimed at artificially increasing the percentage of institutions formally counted as having implemented generalization by assigning a single teacher to an entire institution for statistical purposes, rather than calculating the rate based on the actual number of students studying the subject. According to the association, this constitutes a maneuver to conceal the low real rates of implementation on the ground.

The association concluded its joint statement, signed by its branches in Al Hoceima and Larache, by reaffirming its categorical rejection of these assignments and demanding their immediate reversal. It also held the ministry responsible for violating Organic Law No. 26.16 and called for the creation of sufficient budgeted positions to ensure genuine and effective generalization of Amazigh at all levels of education, putting an end to what it described as procrastination and improvised management of this strategic issue.

Cet article The Amazigh Teachers’ Association of the Tangier-Tetouan-Al Hoceima Region Denounces Arbitrary Assignments est apparu en premier sur AkalPress.

According to the press release issued at the end of the meeting, this gathering was a continuation of the first debate organized in Agadir as part of the summer university, during which the four committees formed at the first meeting presented documents and overall visions concerning the areas of organization and joint work, legal and international work, discourse and intellectual work, and the Amazigh observatory of policies and institutions.

The statement reaffirmed its strong condemnation of the critical situation in which the Amazigh language, culture, identity, and civilization find themselves today, after decades of exclusion and marginalization. considering that the enshrinement of Amazigh in the 2011 Constitution has not been translated into concrete policies and that the constitutional acquis has been emptied of its content due to the lack of genuine political will to implement the constitutional provisions and the organic law relating to Amazigh in state institutions and various areas of public life.

The assembled leaders criticized the fact that the state and successive governments since 2011 have shirked their constitutional obligations and failed to make Amazigh language instruction universal at all levels, to integrate it into higher education and training centers, and the weak presence of Amazigh in the media, culture, justice, administration, local authorities, and official documents. The statement also highlighted the lack of clear action plans within ministries and institutions, the failure to allocate the necessary human and financial resources, particularly in the areas of employment and training, and the failure to include budgets allocated to Amazigh in annual finance laws.

The statement warned that this systematic exclusion and constant evasion threaten to undermine confidence in the constitutional and legal contract, in the usefulness of institutional work, and in civil defense, and could also create an environment conducive to social tensions and reactions whose nature or consequences are difficult to predict.

In the same context, Amazigh leaders expressed their rejection of the contempt shown by the state and successive governments toward the aspirations of society and their ignorance of the civil, political, and legal frameworks and expressions that represent its voice and frame its demands, particularly those related to social and territorial justice, individual and collective rights to resources and wealth, and Amazigh cultural and linguistic identity.

The statement also denounced the authorities’ ignorance of the legitimate demands of the victims of the great Atlas earthquake who did not receive reconstruction aid, as well as the continuing suffering of young Moroccans seeking a decent life through good education, good health, employment opportunities, and the fight against corruption, calling for these demands to be heard and responded to positively.

The assembled leaders reaffirmed their absolute rejection of the use of violence, regardless of its source, condemning the acts of violence and vandalism that accompanied certain youth demonstrations, while emphasizing the importance of respecting the rules of peaceful demonstration in order to express legitimate demands.

At the organizational level, the communiqué announces the commitment of association leaders and participating groups to prepare joint organizational mechanisms and action plans based on the documents and projects presented by the four committees of the national debate, which include areas of work on human and international rights, discourse and intellectual work, the Amazigh observatory of policies and institutions, organization, joint work, and Amazigh national coordination, within the framework of a modern, practical, and independent approach.

It was also decided to form a preparatory committee responsible for setting up these mechanisms and ensuring the implementation of the conference conclusions, composed of representatives of the participating executives and activists, and to announce the organization of the third meeting of the national conference in Meknes, under the auspices of the “ASID” association, in the coming period.

At the end of the communiqué, Amazigh executives, associations, actors, researchers, and activists of different generations were called upon to work seriously, coordinate their actions on the ground and on an intellectual level, and launch new or complementary initiatives, in accordance with the visions and expectations of each generation, in order to achieve demands for rights and democracy and to implement the constitutional provisions relating to Amazigh in its linguistic, cultural, identity, social, and territorial dimensions.

Cet article Amazigh Activists Criticize State’s Disregard for Constitutional Obligations Toward the Amazigh Language est apparu en premier sur AkalPress.

The painful colonization of Algeria

The French colonized Algeria first, in 1830, and remained within Algeria until 1962. The colonization was supposedly initiated by the Ottoman ruler, at the time, slaping a French diplomat, but was, actually, largely caused by the failure of the French to pay their debts to Ottoman Algeria. The French invasion was met with hostility, but the French were able to defeat the Ottomans, Approximately, one third of the Algerian population died as a result of colonization, whether from direct warfare, disease, or starvation.

Of the three Maghrebian countries, Algeria was under French control the longest, and was considered to be a part of France, which was not the case with either Morocco nor Tunisia. Rather than considering Algeria to be a colony, the French essentially claimed Algeria as their own, calling it Algérie Française, or French Algeria.

It was considered to be a part of France, the southernmost portion of the European on African land declared to be French. In addition to claiming the land as French, France, also, offered French nationality to Algerians, which would seem to imply that the French were truly considering Algeria as part of their own nation. However, in practice, this was not how the Algerians perceived the French colonial period, nor was it how the French perceived the Algerians.

The French invasion was met with hostility, but the French were able to defeat the Othomans, Approximately, one third of the Algerian population died as a result of colonization, whether from direct warfare, disease, or starvation.

The treatment of the supposedly French Algerians was in stark contrast to the pretenses presented by the offered citizenship and renamed French Algeria. The French considered the Algerians to be uncivilized, uncouth, illiterate, and dirty, and treated them as a lower class within Algeria. The first legal sign of this was the declaration of land reforms, which essentially took Algerian land, reassigned its ownership to French migrants within Algeria known as the pieds-noir, and forced Algerians to work the land. This, enforced the second-class status of the Algerian natives and gave elevated status to the pieds-noirs, who had, essentially, become landowners through no personal history, labor or achievement. The Algerians were, now, working as slaves on land they had previously owned, which caused a great deal of humiliation, commonly called “hogra,” for the Algerians, as well as, a growing resentment for the French and idealization of the pre-colonial period.

However, some Algerians were able to more easily blend in to the newly-French culture of Algeria, and gained education in French and European matters, which created a divide within Algerian society between the Algerians who identified strongly as Muslim Arabs and those who blended more into French society.  The French reinforced this westernization by building western-style settlements, converting mosques into churches, and teaching French to the children of Algeria.

This erased Algerian culture and Islamic heritage, which created a large amount of resentment for the French from Algerians who held Arab ethnicity and Islamic religion as fundamental parts of their national identity. The divide between these two groups led to conflict not only between the French and the Algerians, but, also, between Algerians of differing classes and cultural identities. Large independence movements formed amongst the Islamic Arab portions of Algerian society, which further isolated the French-identifying Algerians within Algérie Française.

The gentle colonization of Tunisia

The next country to be colonized by the French was Tunisia. Tunisia had, previously, been a part of the Ottoman Empire, but was largely allowed self-governance. Following the fall of Libya’s self-governance to the Ottoman Empire and seeing the heavy influence of the French across the border in Tunisia, the Tunisian leader Ahmed Bey began to modernize and reform Tunisia, with great help from French advisers. However, the more Western the country became, the more indebted to the French it was, especially as the economic effects of Bey’s reforms began to have serious consequences on the citizenship through taxes. The next Bey was left to deal with these issues, but found himself essentially unable to hold off the European powers. Finally, as Tunisia continued to decline and collapse, the British agreed to give France control of Tunisia at the Congress of Berlin in 1878.

France invaded Tunisia in 1881, placing troops within Tunisia and taking control over the economics and international relations of the Tunisian government. While the Tunisian people attempted to rise against the French, they were, ultimately, defeated and the government, essentially, accepted the French declaration of Tunisia as a protectorate.

Following the fall of Libya’s self-governance to the Ottoman Empire and seeing the heavy influence of the French across the border in Tunisia, the Tunisian leader Ahmed Bey began to modernize and reform Tunisia, with great help from French advisers.

In comparison to Algeria, the Tunisians still maintained a great deal of autonomy, with their own ministers, government structure, and cultural identity. The French had ultimate control, but the Bey was still allowed to serve as the technical leader of the people. This was, incredibly, different from what had happened in Algeria, and the effect of this small amount of freedom is notable: while the Algerians had multiple, violent resistances against the French during the Algerie Française period, the Tunisians had mostly smaller, more peaceful movements for independence, which can be directly attributed to the quality of life and identity that was afforded to the Tunisians.

The Moroccan Protectorate

The final Maghreb country to be colonized by the French was Morocco. The French had never intended on colonizing Morocco, which had been an independent kingdom for years, and only began the colonization process when it became clear that the Moroccan sultan was going to be more sympathetic to the Algerian liberation movement than the French government. The French colonization of Morocco was a protectorate, like the Tunisian colonization, and allowed the traditional makhzen system to exist in duality with the French colonial government. Morocco was divided into Maroc Utile, the environment of Morocco made of urban centers and plains , and Maroc Inutile, the rural areas of Morocco largely inhabited by Amazigh/Berber people. The French imposed laws on Maroc Utile, but allowed the Amazigh/Berbers of Maroc Inutile, to continue to run under their own traditional laws, Isref, and have their own democratic assemblies, Ait Rab3in.

Morocco was divided into Maroc Utile, the environment of Morocco made of urban centers and plains , and Maroc Inutile, the rural areas of Morocco largely inhabited by Amazigh/Berber people.

The French allowed Moroccan traditions and Islamic culture to coexist with French influence, and preserved these aspects of Morocco rather than attempting to eliminate them as they had done in Algeria. The French even encouraged some portions of Moroccan and Islamic culture, paying particular attention to Sufi traditions, including trance music and the celebration of saints. The French did anthropological, sociological, and ethnographical studies in Morocco, and, thus, enriched their own culture with knowledge of Islamic tradition. While there were uprisings against the French, particularly, from the Amazigh/Berbers within the Rif mountains, the French retained control until they exiled the Sultan Mohammed V, after which the Moroccans were able to negotiate their independence.

The verdict

The French colonial efforts were clearly different in each country in North Africa that they inhabited. In particular, the attempt to completely take over Algeria as a part of France was in direct contrast to the generally looser reins given to the Tunisians and Moroccans. As Algeria was France’s first African colony, as well as the largest and nearest to France with the most significant resources, it makes sense that they would attempt to leverage greater control over Algeria. This is, also, reasonable considering that the amount of resources required to rule over Algeria, as well as, eliminate numerous resistance movements within that country would limit the amount of resources France could exert to control Tunisia and Morocco. As the point of the colonies was to make money, having, prohibitively, large costs to colonize would not be beneficial to the French mission. The French, also, realized to a degree that they would not be able to, fully, govern Tunisia and Morocco in addition to France and Algerie Française, which became especially apparent when they lost control of all three colonies following World War II.

As the point of the colonies was to make money, having, prohibitively, large costs to colonize would not be beneficial to the French mission.

The difference in colonization strategy from the French in these three countries has, also, greatly affected each nation in the present day. Tunisia, which did not have a truly strong independent culture regardless because of the Ottoman Empire, has suffered under numerous governmental changes and attempted reforms within the country in the years since the French left. Algeria, which was controlled the most heavily by France, had a violent movement to gain liberty from the French, and continued to be controlled by the army following independence. The Algerian economy has also suffered, as the Algerians nationalized and socialized nearly all of their industrial and agricultural projects, leading to a lack of productivity within the nation. Morocco, which was the least affected and colonized for the shortest time, retained culture and loyalty to the king, which has lead to relatively little instability in the years following independence. Ultimately, French colonization united these three countries with common history, but, also, had devastating effects, particularly in Algeria where the colonization was the most oppressive to the culture and to people.

*Dr. Mohamed Chtatou The Washington Institute

Twitter : @Ayurinu

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Torre, Angelo. 2007. “‘Faire communauté’: Confrérie et localité dans une vallée du Piémont (xviie-xviiie siècle).” Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales 1 (January-February). 101-135.

Vermeren, Pierre. 2002. La Formation des élites marocaines et tunisiennes. Des nationalistes aux islamistes (1920-2000). Paris: La Découverte.

Voguet, Élise. 2003. “L’inventaire des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de La Grande Mosquée de Kairouan (693/1293-94), une contribution à l’histoire du Mālikisme kairouannais.” Arabica 50. 532-544.

Warscheid, Ismail. 2011. “Comment écrire un passé qui ne soit ni colonial ni classique? Le cas du Tuwât algérien.” In Après l’Orientalisme: l’Orient créé par l’Orient, eds. François Pouillon and Jean-Claude Vatin. Paris: Karthala. 411-424.

Cet article Reflections on French Colonialism in the Maghreb est apparu en premier sur AkalPress.

ⴰⵏⵢⴰ [ Anya ] : Melody.

ⴱⴰⵢⴰ [ Baya ] : Traditional name (central Morocco, Kabylia, Tuareg).

ⴱⵉⵜⵉ [ Biti ] : Traditional name (Atlas), Biti is a term used to cherish infants (Souss). Variant: Bitti.

ⴷⴰⵎⵢⴰ [ Damya ] : Another presumed name for Dihya. Also attested in Souss and among the Tuaregs.

ⴷⴰⵙⵉⵏ [ Dasin ] : Tuareg name. Dassine oult lhemma (1885-1938) was famous for her beauty, intelligence and mastery of the Amzad (one-stringed lute).

ⴷⵉⵀⵢⴰ [ Dihya ] : Name of the famous “Queen of the Aurès” who reigned over several Amazigh tribes, including her own, that of the Jarawa. Dihya led a fierce resistance against the Arab invasion.

ⴽⵍⵍⴰ [ Klla ] : Name of the daughter of Tinhinan, queen of the Tuaregs of Ahaggar. Also attested in Kabylia and central Morocco. Variant: Kwlla.

ⴽⵓⵏⴷⴰ [ Kunda ] : Diminutive of takunda, the ladybug.

ⵉⵣⵣⴰ [ Izza ] : Traditional name (Morocco).

ⵍⴻⵍⵍⵉ [ Lelli ] : Diminutive of Tilelli, freedom.

ⵎⴰⴷⵍ [ Madl ] : The Milky Way (Ayr). Attested among the Tuaregs of Ayar / Ayr (Aïr mountains).

ⵎⴰⵙⵉⵍⵢⴰ [ Masilya ] : From an ethnonym: the Massyles, a Numidian dynasty.

ⵎⴰⵜⵢⴰ [ Matya ] : First name of Dihya’s mother.

ⵎⴰⵢⴰ [ Maya ] : First name derived from “Mary”.

ⵎⵉⵔⴰ [ Mira ] : Means “grace”: Mera.

ⵎⵓⵏⵉⴽⴰ [Monika] : Saint Monica, born around 332 in Thagaste (in present-day Algeria) and died in 387 in Ostia (Italy), was a Christian of Amazigh origin, mother of Augustine, one of the greatest Christian theologians.

ⵏⵓⵎⵉⴷⵢⴰ [ Numidya ] : Kingdom of Numidia.

ⵏⵓⵎⵉⵏⵙⴰ [ Numinsa ] : Rose sweet love.

ⵙⵉⵍⵉⵏ [ Silin ] : Comes from Cyrene, the ancient capital of Cyrenaica, a fertile region located east of present-day Libya. Variant: Sirin.

ⵙⵉⵍⵢⴰ [ Silya ] : The name of an Amazigh princess and daughter of King Nubel in the middle of the 4th century, in present-day Kabylia.

ⵙⵉⵍⵢⵓⵏⴰ [ Silyuna ] : Female character of a tale who embodies beauty, goodness and intelligence (Kabylia).

ⵙⵉⵎⴰⵏ [ Siman ] : From Sin Imann, two souls (of the father and mother).

ⵜⴰⴷⵍⴰ [ Tadla ] : Bouquet, a posy.

ⵜⴰⴼⵉⵍⴰ [ Tafila ] : She who dazzles; reverberation on the water.

ⵜⴰⴼⵙⵓⵜ [ Tafsut ] : Spring (season).

ⵜⴰⵎⴰⵏⴰⵔⵜ [ Tamanart ] : The star, the guide. From the verb nr: to guide.

ⵜⴰⵎⴰⵙⵉⵏⵜ [ Tamasint ] : From a toponym (name of a locality). Also, a feminine variant of Masin, the diminutive of Masinissa.

ⵜⴰⵎⵍⴰⵍⵜ [ Tamlalt ] : The gazelle, symbol of beauty (Central Morocco). See also Taẓnkʷḍt and Tamllalt.

ⵜⴰⵎⵏⵣⵓⵜ [ Tamnzut ] : The firstborn; Beginnings.

ⵜⴰⵏⵉⵔⵜ [ Tanirt ] : The angel (like the angel-fairy from the famous tale of Hammou Ou Namir). Attested among the Turegs where Énér and Ténert are two stars of the Centauri constellation.

ⵜⴰⵙⴰⴼⵓⵜ [ Tasafut ] : The torch.

ⵜⴰⵙⴽⴽⵓⵔⵜ [ Taskkurt ] : The partridge, symbol of beauty; Alln n tskkurt: Partridge eyes, beautiful eyes.

ⵜⴰⵢⵙⴰ [ Taysa ] : Daisy.

ⵜⴰⵣⵉⵔⵉ [ Taziri ] : Full moon; Moonlight. Variant: Tiziri.

ⵜⴰⵣⵔⵓⵔⵜ [ Tazrurt ] : Good looking; pendant: Symbol of beauty.

ⵜⵀⵢⵢⴰ [ Thyya ] : She is beautiful, kind. From the verb Hyyu: to be good, beautiful, lovable; be of good quality. Another supposed name of Dihya.

ⵜⵉⴷⵉⵔ [ Tidir ] : Live one, lively. From the verb ddr: to live. Variant: Tidar.

ⵜⵉⴷⵜ [ Tidt ] : The truth.

ⵜⵉⴼⴰ [ Tifa ] : Clarity; light. Traditional name (Central Morocco).

ⵜⵉⴼⵙⴰ [ Tifsa ] : Period during which the greenery is at its peak. From the verb fsu: to flower, blossom, bud, form ears (cereals).

ⵜⵉⵏⵓⴼⴰ [ Tinufa ] : Benefits; gifts. Plural of Tanafut.

ⵜⵉⵏⵓⴼⵔⴰ [ Tinufra ] : Tin ufra, she of the peace.

ⵜⵉⵏⵙⵉⵏ [ Tinsin ] : Tin sin, she who belongs to both (parents).

ⵜⵉⵜⵔⵉⵜ [ Titrit ] : The Star; the little star.

ⵜⵉⵣⵉⵔⵉ [ Tiziri ] : Full moon; Moonlight. Variant: Taziri.

ⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜⵎⴰⵙ [ Tlaytmas ] : Tla aytmas, she has her brothers.

ⵜⵓⴷⴰ [ Tuda ] : She is sufficient; she is enough (to the happiness of the parents). Traditional name (Morocco).

ⵜⵓⴼⵉⵣⵍⵉ [ Tufizli ] : Tuf izli, more beautiful than Izli: singing, poetry ..

ⵜⵓⵎⵔⵜ [ Tumrt ] : Happiness, joy.

ⵜⵓⵏⴰⵔⵓⵣ [ Tunaruz ] : Tin unaruz, bearer of hope.

ⵜⵓⵙⴰⴷ [ Tusad ] : She who fits perfectly (Morocco). From the verb as: to suit, to fit.

ⵣⵏⵉⵏⴰ [ Znina ] : Traditional name (central Morocco).

First names for boys:

ⴰⴼⴰⵍⴽⴰⵢ [ Afalkay ] : Handsome, beautiful.

ⴰⴼⴰⵡ [ Afaw ] : The bright.

ⴰⴼⵓⵍⴰⵢ [ Afulay ] : Apuleius, Amazigh writer (died around 180 AD). Author of a novel entitled The Metamorphoses which is the oldest novel in the world.

ⴰⴼⵔⴰ [ Afra ] : Peace.

ⴰⴽⵙⵉⵍ [ Aksil ] : Tiger (Morocco); Leopard, panther (Aurès). Variant: Aksl.

ⴰⵎⴰⵏⴰⵔ [ Amanar ] : The guide. From the verb nr: to guide. Constellation of Orion. Variant: Amnir.

ⴰⵎⴰⵙⴰⵢ [ Amasay ] : Guarantor; responsible.

ⴰⵎⴰⵙⵉⵏ [ Amasin ] : Diminutive of Massinissa. Variant of Masin.

ⴰⵎⴰⵙⵙⴰⵏ [ Amassan ] : The knowledgeable; the learned; the scholarly.. Variant: Amssan.

ⴰⵎⴰⵢⴰⵙ [ Amayas ] : The leopard.

ⴰⵎⴰⵢⵢⵓⵔ [ Amayyur ] : The full moon, the clarity of the moon. Feminine version: Tamayyurt.

ⴰⵎⴰⵣⵣⴰⵍ [ Amazzal ] : The devoted; the emissary; the dedicated.

ⴰⵎⵍⵍⴰⵢ [ Amllay ] : Clement, misecordious, good. Feminine version: Tamlla (mercy).

ⴰⵎⵏⴰⵢ [ Amnay ] : The rider. From the verb ny: to ride on an animal. Refers to the lover in poetic language.

ⴰⵎⵏⵉⵔ [ Amnir ] : The guide. From the verb nr: to guide. Constellation of Orion. Variant: Amanar.

ⴰⵎⵙⵙⴰⵏ [ Amssan ] : The knowledgeable; the learned; the scholarly. Variant: Amassan.

ⴰⵎⵙⵜⴰⵏ [ Amstan ] : The protector, the defender.

ⴰⵏⴰⵎⴰⵔ [ Anamar ] : The happy. Feminine version: Tanamart.

ⴰⵏⴰⵔⵓⵣ [ Anaruz ] : Hope.

ⴰⵏⴼⵍⵓⵙ [ Anflus ] : Referee. Hmad Anflous was an activist who led the resistance against the French occupation in Mogador (Es-saouira).

ⴰⵏⵉⵔ [ Anir ] : The angel (like the angel-fairy from the famous tale of Hammou Ou Namir). Attested among the Turegs where Énér and Ténert are two stars of the Centauri constellation. Also means gazelle dama (mohor). Feminine version: Tanirt.

ⴰⵖⴱⴰⵍⵓ [ Aɣbalu ] : The source (of water).

ⴰⵙⴰⴼⵓ [ Asafu ] : The torch. Nickname of the founder of the amazigh Almohad Empire, Ibn Toumert.

ⴰⵙⴰⵍⴰⵙ [ Asalas ] : Pillar of the house among the Kabyles.

ⴰⵙⵉⴷ [ Asid ] : Asidd, the light.

ⴰⵙⵍⴰⵍ [ Aslal ] : Honey (of high quality).

ⴰⵢⵢⵓⵔ [ Ayyur ] : Moon.

ⴰⵣⵔⵓⵔ [ Azrur ] : The handsome; Jewelry.

ⴱⵓⴽⴽⵓⵙ [ Bukkus ] : King of Mauretania (~110 BC), father-in-law of Yugerten (Jugurtha). Variant: Bukus.

ⵉⴳⵉⴷⵔ [ Igidr ] : The eagle. In poetic language, refers to the unattainable beloved.

ⵉⴷⵉⵔ [ Idir ] : Alive; lively. From the verb ddr: to live. Traditional name.

ⵉⴼⵔⵏ [ Ifrn ] : The chosen one; elite. From the verb frn: to be sorted, chosen. Traditional name.

ⵉⴽⴽⵏ [ Ikkn ] : Traditional name (central Morocco and Tuareg).

ⵉⵎⴰⵍ [ Imal ] : The future.

ⵉⵜⵔⵉ [ Itri ] : The star.

ⵎⴰⵙⵉⵏ [ Masin ] : Diminutive of Massinissa.

ⵎⴰⵢⵙⴰⵔ [ Maysar ] : Maysar Amdghar (or Al Mdaghri) was the leader of the coalition of Ghomara, Berghwata and Miknasa tribes. He led the great Amazigh revolt that resulted in the final defeat of the Umayyad Arabs around 740 AD.

ⵎⵏⵣⵓ [ Mnzu ] : The firstborn. Variant: Amnzu.

ⵓⵙⵎ [ Usm ] : Lightning.

ⵙⵉⴼⴰⵡ [ Sifaw ] : The torch. Pseudonym of the famous Libyan Amazigh poet Saïd Sifaw El Mahrouq (1946-1994). Variant: Asafu.

ⵜⴰⵛⴼⵉⵏ [ Tacfin ] : Father of the Almoravid Amazigh king, Youcef ben Tachfin.

ⵡⵉⵏⴰⵔⵓⵣ [ Winaruz ] : The bearer of hope.

ⵡⵉⵏⵉⴼⵙⴰⵏ [ Winifsan ] : The fulfilled, the well-adjusted one. See: Tifsa.

ⵡⵉⵏⵓⴼⵔⴰ [ Winufra ] : Win ufra, he of peace; the peaceful one.

ⵡⵉⵏⵙⵉⵏ [ Winsin ] : Win sin, he who belongs to the two (parents), theirs.

ⵡⵉⵏⵜⵉⴷⵜ [ Wintidt ] : Win tidt, he of truth; truthful.

ⵢⴰⵏⵉ [ Yani ] : From an ethnonym: Kabyle tribe of Ayt Yanni. Variant: Yanni.

ⵢⵓⴱⴰ [ Yuba ] : Name of several Amazigh kings. King Juba II ruled Mauretania and was a highly respected author and scholar known for his knowledge. He was the author of several books on literature, theater, painting, history and medicine.

ⵢⵓⴳⵔⵜⵏ [ Yugrtn ] : Yugr tn, He is greater than them, the greatest, he surpasses them, is the origin of the name Jugurtha, king of the Amazighs (118 – 105 BC) who opposed the Romans.

ⵢⵓⵙⴰⴷ [ Yusad ] : He who fits perfectly (Morocco). From the verb as: to suit, to fit.

For the full list of amazigh first names, you can check these two books:

Cet article Amazigh first names and their meaning in English est apparu en premier sur AkalPress.

In this context, the same source adds, King Mohammed VI issued his directives to the Prime Minister in order to take the necessary measures to activate this royal decision.

This decision, according to the Royal Court, “is an embodiment of the generous care that King Mohammed VI has been given to Amazigh as a major component of the authentic Moroccan identity rich in its plurality of tributaries, and a common balance for all Moroccans without exception. It also falls within the framework of the constitutional consecration of Amazigh as the official language of the country along with the Arabic language.”

Cet article King Mohammed VI declares the Amazigh New Year an official holiday est apparu en premier sur AkalPress.

Let us start from the premise that each individual as born into a certain community, society, and culture, wants to be recognized for who he is. The idea of identity can be tied to an individualistic view of the world, focusing on the freedom to express one’s own individual desires and needs within the society. However, identity is a combination of layers, informed by individual needs and wants but also by the drive to belong to some sort of community, which is again informed by cultures. Those cultures might be based on ethnicity, heritage, and language representing an anthropological frame or they might be based on identification with a certain interest group, age group, etc. Identity can be a personal acknowledgement, however, in this analysis we shall focus on the outward expression of identity, specifically through the art of performance – dance, song and poetry.

In a struggle for identity recognition, the Amazigh people of Morocco and Algeria have been expressing thier cultural belonging through various art forms. Famous for their oral tradition, the Amazigh culture is rich in poetry, lullabies, songs of varying content, riddles, and enigmas. Looking primarily at Anglophone research work by Michael Peyron, Jane E. Goodman and Cynthia Becker, a picture of a distinct performative tradition arises notwithstanding the fact that all forms of expression discussed are subject to regional and situational variations. This research work should provide an insight into the changing scene of Amazigh poetry, as well as performance arts of the Kabyle people in Algeria and the Ait Khabbash tribe in Morocco, without necessarily holding them against each other in comparison. It shall demonstrate how traditional arts are an expression of identity and cultural belonging and shine light on usage of performance and song to struggle for the recognition of identity.

Michael Peyron, former professor of Amazigh History and Culture at Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane, Morocco is a connoisseur of Amazigh poetry and song. He describes the change of meaning Amazigh poetry has undergone:

“From what used to be a mainstream oral literature genre in late-19^th century Morocco, popular Tamazight poetry together with ballad-style epic and religious verse have, barely a hundred years later, definitely become an archetypal form of minority expression.”

His observation is a sign for the struggle of identity recognition of the Amazigh amongst the Arab-Islamic society. Often viewed as less cultured by the growing urban population, Amazigh people from the villages have resorted to expressing their resentment through poetry, recalling the “stirring achievements of their heroes, both during the resistance phase and in earlier centuries” . As Katherine Hoffman notes, the Ishelhin – the Amazigh people from the South-West of Morocco – use language differently in conversational speech than they do in poetic speech. A lot of value is thus given to poetic expression. Interestingly enough, the richness in expressions of poetic language has been preserved and continued in tradition  – a tradition mainly carried on by women who are endowed with passing down culture and tradition.

Cynthia Becker’s extensive research on the role of women in Amazigh arts focuses specifically on the Amazigh from the Ait Khabbash tribe in Morocco. Her observations of the ahidous dance can be seen in the light of the earlier given framework of identity. Becker defines ahidous as a “collective performance at weddings and other celebrations that incorporate oral poetry”.This type of performance exists in many Amazigh groups, however varying in rhythm, steps, clothing and song techniques from group to group. She takes as an example the Ait Khabbash in comparison to the Imazighen of the High Atlas mountains; While the performances of the Ait Khabbash are initiated by men forming a line, women joining them in a parallel line facing the men, the performance of the Imazighen is organized in one line with men and women standing next to each other. This comparison makes clear that even though a group might identify with a vast culture in the anthropological sense, there are smaller entities of cultures that might have a tighter identity definition. In other words, the concept of belonging to a bigger entity of culture can be empowering – personally and politically, however it might also be less tangible due to little contact with members of the whole ethnic community.

One of the main reasons for the strong feeling of belonging to a smaller entity of culture can be the location. Since the ahidousare collective performances, they take place in the center of life in a village. Anyone in the village is invited to come – depending on the village it might even be an insult for the village community if somebody does not show up.

Also Jane Goodman, in her book: “Berber Culture on the World Stage – From Village to Video” makes a similar observation about the local wedding dance and its community value. She writes:

“The wedding or, more specifically, the evening dance known as the urar, is the only place where almost everyone present in the village shows up at the same time.” 

Even though the dancers and musicians can be subject to critique by their fellow dancers/musicians or the audience, the learning process is informal and ongoing. These observations suggest that the access to identity through performance and dance is a given due to the dances taking place in a public space and due to their invitation that extends to any member of the community.

During a trip to Zawyat Ahnsal, I observed and participated in a music and dance performance at the house of the local sheikh. The circle in which we danced was so tight that learning the steps was imperative in order to avoid disturbing the rhythm and flux of the dance. However, standing very close to the ladies in the circle, I also learned the steps quickly since I was literally taken by the shoulder, swayed up and down. The physical vicinity of people dancing clearly enhances a feeling of belonging, of metaphorically and literally breathing together. Quite interestingly, the local women of Zawyat Ahnsal built a second circle by themselves, not joining the already existing circle of musicians with little wooden framed drums. The circle of male musicians increased in size with every visitor squeezing in between local dancers – here not adhering to a segregation of gender.

Becker makes similar observations of gender segregation through dancing in different circles but also through a veil that covers the women’s faces. Becker links this phenomenon with the influence of the Arab world in the 1960s:

“. . . social pressure from Arabs in the 1960s and increased exposure to Islamic modesty requirements caused their previously nomadic ancestors to modify ahidous to include the head covering as a physical barrier between unrelated men and women facing each other during the performance.”

Becker also notes differences in dancing and suggests that the women originally took bigger strides in their ahidous dance but are now restricted by social conventions. She bases her assumption on the observation and comparison between the heavily populated area of Tafilalet versus more rural areas, imagining that the style in the remote villages has been better preserved from the past. Similarly, Goodman also notices gender segregation amongst the Kabyle Amazigh, where urars are watched by the audience divided into men and women sitting on different sides of the dance space.

Especially with the influence of a western dominated media blaming issues of gender inequality on Islam, Amazigh activists often stress the original matriarchal social order of Amazigh tribes. Therefore, supporting a struggle for identity recognition using Western agenda and reverting it back against the predominant Arab-centric Islamic interpretation.

However, in Amazigh culture, women still occupy a special place in society. Being the center of family life, women are also the bearers of culture and tradition, passing down to their children knowledge of poetry, folk tales and song. Similarly to men who can recite the entire Qur’an, there is a term for women who are well versed in Amazigh poetry. Women are the ones who are the main resources to researchers as well as Amazigh youth who have lost touch with their roots. Women are therefore very powerful in helping to preserve some of the oral traditions that are not completely noted down. Women are also active in writing poetry themselves. A valid example for women poets is Mririda n-Ayt ‘Attiq, from the Tassawt area in Morocco. French national René Euloge recorded and translated her poems into a book of poetry. N-Ayt ‘Attiq’s poetry reaches a wide arrange of themes, from love poetry to nature, human relationships, land ownership, conflicts, youth, marriage and death.

On the issue of gender, young Kabyle activists have been staging new kinds of theatrical performances. These performances center around everyday life activities such as meetings.

“For them, performances operated as sites of heightened reflexivity (…) through which they could critique prevailing forms of social organization and experiment with new identities.”

The development of using a Western narrative to address the need for the recognition of Amazigh identity and in some more radical cases, the longing for independence from an Arabic state can also be seen in Algeria. Goodman’s research on the Kabyle Amazigh of Algeria sheds light on political attempts to drift away from a leadership that patronizes Amazigh heritage, not considering it of high value. She points out the problems with the Algerian struggle for independence against the French colonial power:

“The longing for liberation of the Algerian people led the Front de Libération Nationale to stress a sense of unity and uniformity rather than individual identities of its diverse ethnic groups.”

In search for a purist Amazigh identity, not touched by foreign rule, poets have been retrieving old folklore. The revival of Amazigh song and its publication happened mainly through Amazigh radio stations. In her extensive research on staging Amazigh culture in Algeria Jane E Goodman detects a relatively young tendency for Amazigh activists to modernize Amazigh poetry and song while emphasizing their traditional value. She specifically looks at the work of two famous poets/musicians – Ben Mohamed and a singer by the artist name of Idir. In their political activism for the recognition of Amazigh identity, they molded traditional song texts into politically motivated texts, appealing to a new generation and motivating this generation to become politically active for their own cultural identity. Also the music itself was transformed in order to a younger style by “lightening up slow rhythms and tempos”.

What was of central importance to Idir and Ben Mohamed was certainly their extensive knowledge of traditional music as well as texts, a requirement to avoid distorting authenticity. Comparing song lyrics by Ben Mohamed to older versions of the same songs, Goodman notices the omission of religious connotations or religious phrases in Ben Mohamed’s new interpretations. Ben Mohamed believes that “the essential is said in two lines, then you start with a religious thing . . . and it’s just to garnish” . Due to a tendency for Amazigh activism to be less religiously motivated, Ben Mohamed’s response might be only a part of the real reason for his taking out religious phrases. Here again, the yearning for cultural and social appreciation without a religious connection becomes apparent and is a valid example for the struggle for identity recognition of an underrepresented ethnicity that is proud of their heritage, including Pagan traditions.

The tendency for purism in Amazigh activism shines through in the extensive search for original words in different Amazigh dialects like Tashelhit and Tamazight. Even though village life has been dynamic and influenced by outside and inside changes, Amazigh activism very much focuses on anything ancient and sometimes outdated in actual Amazigh villages. Language used in revisions of Amazigh poetry is a clear indicator for this phenomenon. As a result, Amazigh poetry is replete with nostalgia for a past era. Ideas of life as it used to be are idealized and the idea of the village and typical Amazigh households have gained an almost mythical value. An idealized village is passed on as cultural heritage while its development plays a secondary role.

The purist idea of stripping Amazigh culture of foreign influences – mainly Arab-Islamic – stands in contrast to an observation of an Amazigh performance in the area of Azrou, Morocco. During a dance and music performance for the group’s entertainment, the dancer moved in a very particular style, with positions almost kneeling, holding his pose stretching his arms diagonal to the ground. Michael Peyron believes that the style is prevalent in the area of Azrou, Imzouane and Ifrane and relatively new invention by, The world-famed “Maestro” Moha Oulhoussain Achibane. Unlike the belief that Amazigh culture mainly lives in the past, the “Maestro” is proving the opposite mainly that the culture is alive and well, and even more: it is developing and in flux.

Also poetry and song are filled with new developments, not only by new interpretations of poets like Idir and Ben Mohamed. Improvisation is a very common occurrence in Amazigh performance. Since poetry, stories and songs are still orally passed down generations, Amazigh heritage is preserved while it is reshaped by the new generations. Frequent discussions during the performance of a song are common according to Goodman. She recalls:

“Between some verses [the women] briefly paused for discussion. At one point . . . one young women said: “That’s all”; the older woman disagreed and went on to sing several more verses.”

Also Becker denotes that there is a prevalence of the older generation being better at “playing” ahidous, the afore-mentioned dance performed at weddings and other celebrations amongst the people of the Ait Khabbash.

Conclusion

Ultimately, no matter what the connection may be, whether through dance, theater, song or poetry, Amazigh people deserve to be recognized as who they identify with, a unique and rich culture. The arts are a pathway to political activism, questioning notions of new and old changes, keeping the culture alive and dynamic.

Cet article Poetry, Songs and Dance as Amazigh Strong Markers of Identity est apparu en premier sur AkalPress.

The Algerian singer Hamid Cheriet, better known as Idir, died in France at the age of 70. The tireless champion of Kabyle and Amazigh culture died of a lung disease. Idir became internationally famous with his lullaby “A Vava Inou Va” in the 1970s and since then he has been, in a way, the standard-bearer of the Amazigh cause in North Africa, the Sahel and the Canary Islands, the millenary home of the Imazighen, these proud and free men. His flagship song has even become a kind of national anthem where the ogre represented the pan-Arab and non-democratic powers of the region, the little girl Ghriba the nascent Amazigh cause and the father (Vava) the ancestral Amazigh culture.

Undisputed Master of Melodious Lullabies

Idir grew up surrounded by the songs and rhythms of the Kabyle people, but he was studying to become a geologist until his fortuitous appearance on state radio in 1973. He replaced another singer at the last minute and his performance was widely acclaimed. But it was not until the end of his military service that he embarked upon a recording career, not in his native Kabylia oppressed by a patriarchal Arab regime, but in France, a country of freedom, democracy and human rights. 

The singer’s death was confirmed on Saturday May 2, 2020, on his official Facebook page, which read: “We regret to announce the death of our father (to everyone). Idir. Rest in peace.” The French media reported that he died of a lung disease after being hospitalised on Friday.  Idir was a national treasure in his native Algeria and a great symbol of Amazigh culture throughout Tamazgha (Amazigh territory).

In a tweet Emmanuel Macron wrote, in homage to this great singer : “A unique voice has died out. Idir sang of his Kabyle roots with the melancholy of an exile and the brotherhood of peoples with the hopes of a humanist. The poetry of his songs will long continue to resonate from one side of the Mediterranean to the other.“

For UNESCO, Idir was undoubtedly the ambassador of Amazigh culture to the world : “The Algerian singer Hamid Cheriet, better known as #Idir, died in France at the age of 70. He was one of the main cultural ambassadors of the Kabyle and Berber cultures.“

His compatriot Zinedine Zidane called him “Monsieur Idir“. Idir embodied both strength and tranquillity; his presence inspired the same respect one might have for an uncle. French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu understood the role that this Algerian singer, who spoke and sang in Kabyle, had in every Algerian family :

“He was more than a singer, he was like a member of the family.”

Born on 25 October 1949 in Ait Lahcene, near Tizi Ouzou, the capital of Kabylia, which was then part of French Algeria, he studied geology, but his life took a turn in 1973 when he was called on the radio to sing “A Vava Inou Va” as a last-minute replacement. It was a lullaby with the “rich oral traditions” of Amazigh culture and became a popular song in the country and around the world.

In the early 1970s, when he was still called Hamid Cheriet, a discreet geology student, he started singing in public. He composed his melodies and wrote his lyrics in Kabyle, inspired by verses from traditional songs he had rocked with as a child. Modestly, he chose a stage name, Idir, the name given to fragile newborns because it means “He will live”. Success came with the song “A Vava Inou Va” (“Little Father”). This melodic song is constructed like a dialogue between a daughter and her father who try to avoid with their words the coming of the devouring ogre, an allusion made here to the Algerian military regime devouring public liberties :

“Please, Father Inou Va, open the door! 
Daughter Ghriba make your bracelets jingle 
I fear the forest ogre Father Inou Va 
O Ghriba Girl I fear it too”.

Exile in France for activism and identity 

Idir then moved to France in 1975, after completing his military service, where he recorded his first album entitled “A Vava Inou Va” and a series of popular North African-style songs during the same decade. His style of music, with a solitary voice and acoustic guitar, defends the sounds of Kabyle music, and as such he is widely regarded as an ambassador of Kabyle and Amazigh culture.The Berber-speaking Kabyle people are a sub-group of the Amazigh ethnic population of North and West Africa in the broadest sense. 

So it was in 1973 that Algeria discovered this young Kabyle singer on Radio Alger. He wore flared jeans, long curly hair and the burnous of his ancestors. “A Vava Inou Va” went on to become an international hit. Described by some as “the first African hit“, it was broadcast in 77 countries and translated into several languages. It was followed by an album of anthology, “Ssendu”, a mix of soft, rhythmic melodies, with subtly committed and discreetly subversive lyrics. 

Make no mistake about it, Idir described the Algerian political situation using poetic but committed metaphors. Although he did not write any critical lyrics clearly opposing the government, like other Kabyle singers such as Mahtoub Lounes, Lounis Aït Menguellet and Ferhat Mhenni, Idir was equally critical. Poetic and political.

Idir took part in numerous concerts in support of various causes. For example, on June 22nd 1995, more than 6,000 people attended a concert for peace, freedom and tolerance given by the singer and his friend Khaled, initiators of the association “L’Algérie, la vie“. Idir also took part in the concert in memory of Lounès Matoub, the Kabyle singer assassinated by the Algerian authoritarian regime in 1998.

In 2001, Idir once again defended his national identity at Le Zénith in Paris at the “21ème Printemps berbère“, a celebration of Amazigh culture. On 8 July that year, he organised a special fund-raising concert in support of the population in Kabylia, at a time when anti-government riots were taking place in the predominantly Amazigh region. Idir was joined by a host of stars and thousands of Algerian and French fans who flocked to Le Zénith to support the population in Kabylia.

The first successes

His performance of the song “A Vava Inou Va” in 1973 on Radio Alger took listeners into an unknown dimension, but before it could savor his success, he was called up for compulsory military service. Idir thus became a household name, almost overnight, without him knowing it until his return.

From the outset, Idir refused to escape the rich and complex oral traditions of Amazigh culture, despite his often contested minority status within his nation. His soothing voice, acoustic strings and cultural pride resonated within and beyond Algeria’s borders, elevating him to the status of a symbol of much-desired musical diversity and a world champion of milticulturalism.

In 1975, he moved to France and, with great enthusiasm, began recording his musical works. Since then, his songs have continued to highlight, with charm and without detour, his under-represented and underestimated Amazigh community, particularly the Kabyle sub-group originating from the coastal mountainous regions of northern Algeria.

The following year, his debut album “A Vava Inou Va” was released to the public, focusing on the daily life and culture of rural Algeria, told through a certain separation, as if an old man were telling tales to his relatives.

His plea for multiculturalism

“Identities” is the name Idir chose for his long-awaited second album, born in 1999. This time round, his voice is in great company, bringing the whole world together on a single CD. To underline the unity in difference, this melting-pot project brings together Manu Chao, Charles Aznavour, Maxime Le Forestier, Gnawa Diffusion, Zebda, Gilles Servat and Geoffrey Oryema, all enhanced by the sounds of the Orchestre Parisien de Barbès.

Continuing in the same vein, in 2007, his album, an ode to minorities, “La France des couleurs”, came out in the middle of the French presidential election, dominated by passionate debates on immigration and identity.

Despite another major gap between projects, Idir returned to Algiers in January 2018 to perform at the Berber New Year “Yennayer” after an absence of 38 years. His show, whose appearance was carefully chosen, showed support for the popular uprisings that led to the resignation of long-time leader Abdelaziz Bouteflika.

“I liked everything about these demonstrations : the intelligence of the young people, their humour, their determination to remain peaceful,” Idir said in April 2019. “I admit that these moments were like a breath of fresh air. And since I have pulmonary fibrosis, I know what I’m talking about. “

Idir stigmatizes the military regime

Speaking of his Amazigh origin, contested in time by the pan-Arab Algerian military regime, Idir says emphatically to The Unesco Courier (The UNESCO Courier, 53, 4, pp. 26-27, port, 2000) :

“They give me an Algerian passport, but I have to get permission to speak my own language,”

which, like the great Martinican poet Aimé Césaire, he defends “those who have no voice“. It never occurred to him to write in French, the language of the colonizer in which he did all his schooling, up to a doctorate in geology, nor in Arabic, which was then taught as a second language in Algeria.

“If I hadn’t left my village, I would never have spoken a word of Arabic,” he says. “Kabyle is a language of feelings and stories that flows naturally into poetry,” he adds. It’s also the language Idir has chosen to use. “Singing in Kabyle is a militant act, a way of expressing my faith, of saying I exist,” he says.

“If I’d had another profession, I would have found other ways of expressing the same demands,” he says.

His natural science teacher taught him how to play the guitar. The future geologist began writing at the age of 16 and addressed the Kabyle people and their expectations in his popular poetry. In 1973, he was asked to replace the famous singer Nouara at the last minute, and he started singing live on the radio the lullaby he had written in his early days. Since then, this child of the Aurès has never ceased to celebrate Amazigh culture through music, continuing the work launched in the 1940s by great writers such as Jean Amrouche, Mouloud Mammeri, Mouloud Feraoun and Kateb Yacine. These pioneers had to use French to defend the Amazigh language if they wanted to be heard. As Amrouche said: “I think and write in French, but I cry in Kabyle.”

Idir went further: he advocated three languages for Algeria – Arabic, Amazigh and French in his interview with Unesco Courier: “I want Algeria to take into account those who live on its land, who love the country and want to build it, whatever their language or religion,” he says. He also told this media outlet :

“Islam should not be an official religion. Religion is for believers, not for governments.”

“I want Algeria to take into account those who live on its land, who love the country and want to build it, whatever their language, religion or origin,” he told the Unesco Courier.

“Arabic shouldn’t have a special status because it’s the sacred language of the Koran – especially classical Arabic, a sanitized language that ordinary people can’t understand and no language is more unhappy than another, even if Berber is the oldest in terms of number of years. Fate has put these languages on this earth and they must remain,” he added.

A rift between the state and refractory Kabylia continues to widen, a fact Idir will report on as he regularly sings the anniversaries of the 1980 Amazigh revolt known as Tafsut Imazighen (Amazigh Spring), whose reverberations were felt throughout Tamzgha. Despite his national and international prestige, the singer was always careful to keep his distance from the Algerian authorities. However, as soon as his death was announced, President Abdelmadjid Tebboune wrote in the middle of the night on his Twitter account:

“I learned with great regret and sadness of the news of the death of the late Hamid Cheriet, known by the artistic name of Idir, the internationally renowned Algerian art icon. With him, Algeria lost one of its pyramids.”

Discography :

1976 : A Vava Inouva  (Oasis, Algérie / Pathé, France)
1979 : Ay arrac nneɣ (Azwaw)
1980 : Récital à l’Olympia (Azwaw)
1991 : A Vava Inouva (Blue Silver)
1993 : Les Chasseurs de lumière (Blue Silver)
1999 : Identités (Sony Music)
2002 : Deux rives, un rêve (Sony Music)
2005 : Entre scènes et terre (Sony-BMG)
2007 : La France des couleurs (Sony-BMG)
2013 : Adrar inu (Columbia)
2017 : Ici et ailleurs (Sony Music, France / Izem Pro, Algérie)

Music Compositions :
1986 : Le Petit Village (Chorale Tiddukla)
1987 : Ml-iyi (Avec Ali Tiddukla)

Cet article Idir, is Not Dead, he’s Just Passed into Cultural Eternity… est apparu en premier sur AkalPress.

Salient Aspects of Amazigh culture

The most popular and easily identifiable aspect of the culture is the language known as Tamazight. Tamazight is widely spoken across Morocco, however for decades was not recognized as an official language or used by the government or media for coverage of events or important documents. When in 1980 the “Berber Spring” in Algeria sparked more support for the Berber cause in the MENA region, the fight for Tamazight recognition was finally more widely acknowledged by society. However, at this time, the Moroccan government still did not make any changes or pay much attention to the fight for Tamazight legitimacy. In 1994, after a widely publicized arrest of Amazigh protesters, King Hassan II publically declared that Amazigh dialects were an important part of Moroccan history and culture. He even admitted that that should in theory be taught in state schools. This was the first time a King directly confirmed and acknowledged the importance of the Amazigh culture and language. 

A few years after King Hassan II’s speech, a Royal Decree was written to create the Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture (IRCAM). The IRCAM was meant to ease the protests and Amazigh activists. Its main duty was to promote Amazigh language and culture within Morocco. It was to standardize Tamazight with the hopes of slowly introducing it into public schools and the media. However, the integration of Tamazight didn’t occur until a few years later in 2005 and only in Berber speaking areas. Even with the government dragging their feet, the Amazigh community still had many feats that were not seen as possible decades before. 

In 2011 there were demonstrations across the country demanding for more changes in Morocco. King Mohammed VI quickly responded to the protestors and publicly promised that there would be sweeping changes. At this time, a new constitution was written to give more freedoms and social protection to citizens. In the contestation Tamazight was finally legitimized as a national and official language of Morocco. This was a huge step for Amazigh activists. The new constitution has set a new path for the Amazigh activists to follow and improve their standing and recognition in Morocco as a legitimate source of history, knowledge, and culture. 

Anti-Amazigh sentiment 

Today, the Amazigh community still faces many problems that are rooted in the anti-Amazigh sentiment across Morocco. For one, with the Tamazight language, while it is now recognized as an official language, there are still many problems with how it is being used and received. The government uses French (not even an official language) and Arabic for all their documents. Many times documents are not published in Tamazight and therefore leave the language still at a standstill and behind Arabic in its legitimacy to to the country. 

There is also the problem of the lack of implementation by IRCAM in integrating Tamazight into state schools across the country. While some areas may teach Tamazight, others do not. It is not uniform in the enforcement of promoting the language. IRCAM has been notoriously known for being a governmental department without actually doing substantial work. People have accused the government of using IRCAM as an excuse to show the population that they “care” about the Amazigh culture and language. 

Overall, there is still widespread denial from the Arab society and the government that Tamazight is an important and “true” language. Because Tamazight was historically oral, its unwritten past is seen as illegitimate. In addition, the belief in the Arab world that Arabic is the language of paradise, automatically places Tamazight behind it in importance. 

There is also the modern issue of representation of the Amazigh community within the Moroccan government. Since the new century and the new constitutional reforms, the Amazigh community has grown more and more politically active. In 2005 they even created an official Amazigh party, The Moroccan Amazigh Democratic Party (PDAM) intended to campaign for political secularism, Amazigh Rights, and cultural recognition. However, soon after the party was formed, the Moroccan government banned the party from participating within the government due to the Moroccan law that strictly forbids the formation of parties on ethnic or religious principles. Because of that, the party was dissolved in 2007. Even after 2007, Amazigh activists still found ways to campaign for their rights and recognition. 

Today, there are now Amazigh based parties formed on the lines of rural areas and marginalized populations. These parties heavily support the Amazigh fight. The largest of these parties is the Mouvement Populaire (MP). In 2007, the MP claimed over 9 percent of votes, putting them in the top three largest parties within the Moroccan Parliament. This is a start to more and more support by the government of the Amazigh cause, hopefully improving Amazigh involvement, influence, and legitimacy in Morocco. 

While there have been many efforts by the Moroccan government to subdue any Amazigh influence and parties within the government, they have still been able to make their voices heard. While it is a long process, the Amazigh fight is slowly gaining more support within society, but more importantly within the government itself. The activists will still have to keep pushing for governmental control, more autonomy, and more recognition of Tamazight, but they are on their way. Politically, the Amazigh now have their foot in the door, hopefully over time, opening it more to become a main influence on Moroccan policy and therefore improve Amazigh conditions. 

Amazigh media

Lastly, one of the biggest problems the Amazigh are facing today is the lack of true recognition by the media and civilians of the importance of the Amazigh culture and language to modern Moroccan society. While society has more openly accepted Amazigh as a historically important culture, there is still some resistance and hesitance by society to allow it to blossom as much as it can. After the new constitution in 2011, there have been many reforms and creation of TV channels and newspapers that are in Tamazight.

Tamazight 8 is the most popular Amazigh TV channel, playing TV shows, movies, and newscasts in the Amazigh language. However, there are still problems. This is the only channel on TV that officially broadcasts in Tamazight. All other channels are either in French or Arabic. The access of this channel is also limited by the fact that shows and broadcasts are not always in Tamazight at all times of the day. There is still some sprinkling of Arabic involved in the channel. Such intermingling and lack of full access to Tamazight prove that the community at large has still not fully accepted Amazigh culture and the Tamazight language into Moroccan society. Even with other media outlets, there is still limited supply and access of Tamazight and Amazigh newspapers, films, music, and publications. While these media outlets are beginning to become more popular, there is a lack of means to support their growth and promotion.

As time continues the Amazigh community hopes for more governmental support in promoting these media outlets in advocating for the Amazigh cause and educating the public on the Amazigh community. 

Final word

Overall, the Amazigh community’s fight for recognition and equality is still not complete in the 21st century. They have faced many obstacles through the lack of governmental and societal support. However, their fight for recognition in all aspects of society, advancement and teaching of their language, and improved representation in government has not burned out their drive to be acknowledged as a respectful and legitimate part of Moroccan society. 

Cet article Hurdles facing Amazigh Culture in Morocco est apparu en premier sur AkalPress.